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However, these two models are not incompatible: further developments in mechanisms of power reveal new convergences.
The first is that of a pure community, the second that of a disciplined society.” 5 The strict segmenting of the plague city is opposed to leprosaria, where an individual “was left to his doom in a mass among which it was useless to differentiate.” 4 According to Foucault, “the exile of the leper and the arrest of the plague do not bring with them the same political dream. On the appointed day, everyone is ordered to stay indoors: it is forbidden to leave on pain of death … Every day, too, the syndic goes into the street for which he is responsible stops before each house: gets all the inhabitants to appear at the windows … he calls each of them by name informs himself as to the state of each and every one of them … 3 Each street is placed under the authority of a syndic, who keeps it under surveillance if he leaves the street, he will be condemned to death. In Discipline and Punish, referring to seventeenth-century French archives, Foucault depicts the plague city as a segmented, fixed, and frozen space in which every individual is locked and observed:įirst, a strict spatial partitioning: the closing of the town and its outlying districts, a prohibition to leave the town on pain of death, the killing of all stray animals the division of the town into distinct quarters, each governed by an intendant. It does not rely on exclusion or expulsion, but rather on the careful segmentation and reorganization of society from within to control all its members and parts. Discipline is another type of management.
2 Through the principal mechanism of exclusion, a community rids itself of its troublesome elements.
In the first part of History of Madness, Foucault mentions how multiple leprosaria caused many spaces in Europe to empty out by the end of the Middle Ages, but soon such places of the damned were filled again with the new outsiders-vagrants, criminals, madmen, and the poor. I will focus on this distinction, as elements of both persist through modern regimes of security as well as in Covid-19 regulations. In his earlier History of Madness (1961) and Discipline and Punish (1975), Foucault elaborates on the difference between the first two regimes, sovereign exclusion and disciplinary control, and on the transition from the former to the latter. Foucault arranges these regimes chronologically, but emphasizes that they do not so much replace each other as evolve into one another, so that each subsequent regime retains elements of the previous ones. In his 1978 lecture course “Security, Territory, Population,” Foucault identifies three regimes of power relating to epidemics: a regime of sovereignty based in exclusion (as in the case of leprosy) a disciplinary power that introduces quarantine restrictions (as in the case of the plague) and finally, a more recent politics of security introducing new practices such as vaccination and prophylaxis, which have been used since the eighteenth century to control, for example, smallpox. Exploring the places where power and the body intersect-in prisons, hospitals, schools, menageries, and so forth-Foucault’s political history of illness points to the continuity between diverse discursive practices that shape our experience of infection, pathology, mental illness, or sexual perversion. In the spring of 2020, when the World Health Organization formally announced the beginning of the Covid-19 pandemic and governments began introducing new restrictions, some philosophers looked to Michel Foucault, who created tools for analyzing mass disease in relation to discourses and strategies of power.
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